Leader From MAY 06, 2005
What is the Iraqi reality in this spring 2005,
which sees the third year of the Americano-Zionist
occupation getting stuck faced with the national war of liberation led by
are the manipulated information of the media to the
orders of NATO or Tel-Aviv – they are very often the same
manipulated sources. And there is the reality of a war of guerrilla
which cannot be defeated any more.
number and the sophistication of its attacks became such as Sir Jeremy
Greenstock, who was the first British high representative in occupied
Iraq, recently declared that the insurrection was from now on “irremediable”,
and that it could not “be eradicated” any more by foreign
the Zionists through and through – as Alexandre Adler who wrote without
laughing this May 2005 in
LE FIGARO (Paris, May 4, 2005) that “George W Bush can be pleased to
have essentially gained his campaign of the Middle East: an Iraqi
government reliable and supported by a very large majority of the opinion
of this country is born finally” (sic) –, nobody any more, to
start with the Yankee press, which more often says the truth than the
“European” media prostitutes, supports the fiction of a stable
situation and a puppet government controlling anything.
ba'athist guerrilla fully achieved its goals of war vis-a-vis the American project of iraqising
the war and stabilizing the occupied country through a puppet
government. As from the end of 2004 several American military analysts
wrote it – in particular those of “Washington Institute's Military and
Security Studies Program” and of MIDDLE ESAST QUATERLY (1)
–, its goals were not indeed to prevent everywhere the electoral
process, but to make it inoperative in the part of the country with Sunni
majority, and, therefore, to prevent the formation of a credible
government and administration. The political anarchy of the puppet
policy shows the political victory of the guerrilla.
on the way towards the total war”
analyzed LE FIGARO as from January 19, 2005, recalling that “In this
asymmetrical war, the traditional qualities of the American army –
technology, logistics, fire power, air supremacy – do not allow it to
carry the decision. Because it misses the assets of any credible occupying
force: motivation of the executives and the soldiers, knowledge of the
language and the culture of the country, efficacious networks of local
collaboration, capacity to infiltrate the enemy cells (…) facing them,
the American forces find extremely motivated guerilleros, ready to die for
a cause which appears to them sacred. Insofar as many of them are former
soldiers, counterirritated to be thrown to the street by the decision of
dissolution of the army taken by the American governor Paul Bremer in May
2003, their ambushes are relatively sophisticated”. These “Resistance
fighters” “move in the Iraqi society like fish in water”.
second phase of this offensive,
military, is the destruction of the collaborationnist forces of security – army, police forces,
administration. And it is carried out on all the territory, from
Bassorah to Kirkuk and from Mossul to Baghdad and at the Syrian border.
The famous “Sunni triangle” of the Pentagone propaganda
resembles today actually a gigantic trapezoid which extends to each border
of the country. And the guerrilla carries out there, according even to the
Yankee military command, coordinated attacks on a large scale.
Muhammad Shahwani, the traitor who leads the Iraqi Kollabos
“intelligence services”, estimates himself, according to LE FIGARO (19
January 2005) “the number of insurgents to 200.000 Among them, 40.000
men would form the hard core of the armed fighting guerrilla, the
remainder constituting the active sympathizers, taking part in the
logistic tasks and the collection of information on the American
“enemies” and their Iraqi “collaborators””.
years after the fall by treason of Baghdad, reality is not only the
ba'athist Guerilla leadership – which also controls (from a
distance) or infiltrates islamist formations –,
according to the plans organized by Saddam Hussein since 2003 (2).
it is also the rise to political power on the ground – in
particular in the majority zones of the country that control neither the
Yankee nor the “Iraqi” or Kurdish Kollabos – of a reorganized
Ba'ath, with a new generation of young leaders set up, it also, since
2003, and qualified of “birth of a new Ba' ath” by the
Anglo-Saxon press (3).
with the getting stuck and with the Vietnam syndrome – the
failure of the iraqisation directly
echoes that of Vietnamisation which saw the liberation of Saigon on
April 30, 1975, the Americans have even approached – in vain – Saddam
Hussein to try to find a way out (4).
reality fully justifies the position adopted by our “Iraq Committees”
as from April 2003 : support for Ba’ ath and for it only!
the Iraqi Resistance is the Ba' ath and the patriotic forces which follow
its leadership in the “unified Council of the Iraqi resistance”.
The mirages of islamo-leftism – in particular the support for
Sadr, the Shiite blowing with the wind, or for ghostly “working
forces carrying out a peaceful resistance” (sic) – are all just
Which has to be our role and our action today?
the one hand to continue the information battle
which we have carried out for two years with and for the
ba'athist Resistance. AL-BA’ATH AL-IRAQI is the only regular publication
today, widely distributed, at the service of the latter.
addition, we must give our support for the Pan-Arab extension of the
support for the Resistance, such as it was wished by our comrade
Izaat Ibrahim Al-Duri, supreme leader of the Resistance last February (5).
By in particular bringing it an international platform and a tool for
coordination. The repression of the puppet Arab states makes indeed
difficult this task on the spot.
the combat of Ba' ath is not limited solely to Iraq.
And this also you did not read it in the press of Pentagone and Mossad! Some
significant examples speak for themselves.
which was the first external lung of the Resistance in the spring 2003,
our ba'athist comrades face an underhand repression, due to the local
political police forces and the Americans.
where Ba' ath was always influential, it is the lawsuit of the
fallen through putsch of June 2003, masterminded by ba'athist
officers. Our comrades undergo a brutal repression there, where the
systematic use of torture and the arbitrary arrests dominate. What does
not prevent the Arab revolutionary organizations and underground Ba'ath to
mobilize the country against the arrival of the Israeli minister Shalom in
Nouakchott this 2 May.
in the Maghreb where the ba'athist theses always met a strong echo among
the intellectual circles, was held in April a Pan-Arab conference of
support for Ba' ath.
us add – because our approach is unitary and nonsectarian – that
vis-a-vis the Americano-Zionist offensive against Damascus and Beirut of
which the goal is the destruction of the pro-Syrian Ba'ath or its
internal neutralization (abandonment of socialism and the Pan-Arab
project), we estimate that the time of the competition between the Iraqi
and Syrian branches of Ba' ath is exceeded. And that we will support also
the revolutionary forces of the Syrian Ba' ath in the fight against
Tel-Aviv and Washington (6).
in French-speaking Space, in Brussels and Paris, the “Iraq
Committees” are today the transnational spearhead of the support
for the Iraqi Resistance.
the birth this year of “committees” in Quebec or in Argentina reveals
Zionist enemies were not mistaken there. And the heinous campaign against the “Iraq committees” launched by
the Israelo-American agency MEMRI, supported by Tsahal and the
Yankee neo-conservatives at the end of November 2004 (7)
and taken again by several hundreds of Zionist media everywhere
in the world is revealing of our influence (8).
ba'athist Resistance, which is in first line facing the Americano-Zionist
imperialism, gives a lesson of courage, of determination, but also of
hope to all those, militant and people, which, on the four continents,
refuse the colonialist law of Washington and Tel-Aviv.
Imperialism is not discussed, it is fought and it is crushed! It
was already the opinion of Che Guevara. It is ours. The Peoples’ Cause
imposes the destruction of the enemy of mankind.
MEIN KAMPF of the Neo-conservatives was written by Bill Kristol. It is
entitled “Our way
starts in Baghdad”. This way will be that of the defeat and
shame. History will remember then the answer of the ba'athist militants to
these arrogant Western intellectuals who announced the death of the
more than ever, the fight continues at the sides of the Iraqi Resistance
and Ba' ath, which are in first line in the transnational fight for the
Notes and references:
(1) Cfr. the “Washington
Institute's Military and Security Studies Program”:
Jeffrey White, “Assessing the Iraqi Insurgency
(Part I): Problems and Approaches”, Policy Watch #978, The
Washington Institute website, March 24, 2005;
Michael Eisenstadt, “Assessing the Iraqi
Insurgency (Part II): Devising Appropriate Analytical Measures”,
PolicyWatch #979, The Washington Institute website, March 25, 2005;
Jeffrey White, “The Elections and the
Insurgency”, PolicyWatch #952, The Washington Institute website,
January 31, 2005;
Jeffrey White, Todd Orenstein, and Max Sicherman, “Resistance
Strategy in the Trans-Election Period (Part I): Concepts, Operations, and
Capabilities”, PolicyWatch #945, The Washington Institute
website, January 24, 2005;
Cfr. « Saddam a bien préparé l'après-Saddam »,
Paris, n° 669, August 28, 2003:
“From July 2002, Saddam Hussein constituted reserves of weapons and
money and approached the Arab nationalists and islamists, affirms a
journalist close to the former dictator (…) In July 2002, eight month
before learning by the German Intelligence service that the war would take
place, he addressed to the principal persons in charge for the Baas party
a circular warning them to prepare to undergo an American attack" at
any moment ". This document predicted that Iraq "would be
defeated militarily because of the imbalance of the involved forces".
One would restore balance "by attracting the American army in the
cities, the villages and the desert, and by resorting to tactics of
Saddam Hussein had already worked for four years to adapt his army to the
practice of the guerrilla. He entrusted to me on several occasions into
private that the military hierarchy was exceeded and needed new blood. He
did recruit the heads of the guerrilla new units
- men for the majority of less than 35 years old, some of 18.
Saddam Hussein constituted, before the American invasion [ in March 2003
], reserves of troops,
weapons and money in all the country. The light weapons – grenade
thrower, explosives, hand grenades and Ak-47 – abounded. They were
manufactured in secret places distributed in all the country. But there
was even more money than weapons. Saddam Hussein invested abroad part of
the immense richness accumulated by diverting the incomes of oil. He
started to get rid of these credits in 2002 to get a stock of liquid
assets, which he distributed in the country. After the American invasion,
the former president cut any contact with the majority of the high persons
in charge for the Baas party. Even his personal bodyguards disappeared.
Saddam Hussein set up the resistance on the basis of the principle which
it was to join together the nationalist, baassist and islamist elements.
The heads were to be independent but connected to a supreme commander –
himself. He defined the large features of the movement by taking as a
starting point the Islamic history, in particular the triumph of the
prophet Muhammad after his exile to Medina. After the fall of Baghdad, in
April, several executives of the Baas party took refuge in other Arab
countries. They were to be used as bond between the interior resistance
and the Arab masses of Egypt, of Jordan, of Syria, of Lebanon, of Yemen,
Morocco and Mauritania, where the Baas party has cells since 1968 (…)
Today, Saddam Hussein’s army without face counts three groups. The
first, they are the Mudjahidin – Iraqis not members of the Baas party
and Islamic volunteers who fought in Afghanistan and Chechnia. The only
members of the Baas party are nonIraqi Arabs. It is impossible to
determine their manpower precisely. General Taher Jalil Habbush, the head
of the Iraqi Intelligence service, whom I met in January, declared me at
the time there were approximately 6 000 Arab and Islamic combatants in
Baghdad, for the majority trained for the guerrilla. The second, Al Ansar
(the partisans), gathers elements of the Baas party chosen personally by
Saddam Hussein – who kept their engagement secret vis-à-vis the old
guard of the party. They are present in all the country. Their means of
communication are primitive but sure. The written messages, the radio or
the telephones by satellite are prohibited. Each cell has messengers who
have the role of relaying the oral messages to the other cells. The third,
Al Muhajirun (the emigrants), gathers certain members of the elite and
some persons in charge for Baas, of which military physicists and
strategists. They represent the core of the new regime that Saddam hopes
to lead after having defeated the Anglo-American coalition. All the units
which set up these groups of resistance fighters are autonomous as well
militarily as financially”.
(3) Cfr. Patrick
Cockburn, “Bomb attacks on the rise as 'New Baath party' is
born”, THE INDEPENDANT, 3 May 2005 : “The insurgents are less interested in participation
in the present government than in direct talks with the US, a timetable
for the withdrawal of American forces and the right to rebuild the Baath
party. In Sunni Arab towns and cities a so-called New Baath party is
beginning to emerge and is said to be very well organised”.
(4) The Egyptian
magazine AL-USBU` on 2 May 2005, published what it said was the text
of a conversation between Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and US Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld on his latest trip to Baghdad during
which he visited the imprisoned Iraqi leader. AL-USBU reports that
informed political sources had disclosed the details of the meeting. AL-USBU
reports that the meeting took place after an escalation of Iraqi
Resistance attacks against US occupation forces and their allies and
stooges in Iraq. The sources indicated that the US had lost more than
1,600 men killed and wounded in the last three months, only a fraction of
which they officially admitted. The available information indicates that
US President George W. Bush held a meeting with his staff in which they
discussed ways to stop the Resistance violence in Iraq. In order to save
us lives and stop the continued deterioration of relations between the US
and its allies and other countries that sent forces to occupied Iraq. The
US leadership arrived at a decision to offer to release the Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein and take him to his preferred place of exile
outside Iraq in return for his appearing on television to demand that the
Iraqi Resistance halt its armed operations and form a political party to
take part in the political process set up by the US occupation forces in
Iraq”. In answer, Saddam Hussein refuses to sell out Iraq.
(5) Cfr Communiqué of Ba'ath, “CDE
IZZAT IBRAHIM Al DURI ANNONCES THE REORGANISATION OF BA' ATH AT PAN-ARAB
LEVEL AND THE EXTENSION OF THE RESISTANCE
FIGHT ON ALL THE LAND OF THE ARAB NATION!”, February 7, 2005.
(6) To read: Luc MICHEL, “THE
AMERICANO-ZIONIST AGGRESSION IS AN IDEOLOGICAL WAR AGAINST THE ARAB
NATIONALISM: AFTER BAGHDAD, DAMASCUS AND TRIPOLI ARE IN LINE OF SIGHT!”, Leading article of October
7, 2003, LE QUOTIDIEN DU PCN,
English version on Al-jazeerah, October 31' 2003, on :
See: Dr. Nimrod Raphaeli, « Activités anti-américaines du
parti Baath à Paris », MEMRI, Enquêtes et analyses - No.
197, Novembre 30, 2004, on.
(8) Luc MICHEL, “DISCUSSING "THE SITUATION IN IRAQ" OR ACTING AND MILITATING FOR AND WITH IRAQI RESISTANCE!? ”, “THE PEOPLES’ CAUSE”, ISSUE 23, January 2005.
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