Last Leader






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the Leader From MAY 06, 2005

Statement-program of the "Iraq Committees": 
IRAQ 2005:

What is the Iraqi reality in this spring 2005, which sees the third year of the Americano-Zionist occupation getting stuck faced with the national war of liberation led by the Ba’ath?

There are the manipulated information of the media to the orders of NATO or Tel-Aviv – they are very often the same manipulated sources. And there is the reality of a war of guerrilla which cannot be defeated any more.

The number and the sophistication of its attacks became such as Sir Jeremy Greenstock, who was the first British high representative in occupied Iraq, recently declared that the insurrection was from now on “irremediable”, and that it could not “be eradicated” any more by foreign troops.

Besides the Zionists through and through – as Alexandre Adler who wrote without laughing  this May 2005 in LE FIGARO (Paris, May 4, 2005) that “George W Bush can be pleased to have essentially gained his campaign of the Middle East: an Iraqi government reliable and supported by a very large majority of the opinion of this country is born finally” (sic) –, nobody any more, to start with the Yankee press, which more often says the truth than the “European” media prostitutes, supports the fiction of a stable situation and a puppet government controlling anything.

The ba'athist guerrilla fully achieved its goals of war vis-a-vis the American project of iraqising the war and stabilizing the occupied country through a puppet government. As from the end of 2004 several American military analysts wrote it – in particular those of “Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program” and of MIDDLE ESAST QUATERLY (1) –, its goals were not indeed to prevent everywhere the electoral process, but to make it inoperative in the part of the country with Sunni majority, and, therefore, to prevent the formation of a credible government and administration. The political anarchy of the puppet policy shows the political victory of the guerrilla.

“Iraq on the way towards the total war” analyzed LE FIGARO as from January 19, 2005, recalling that “In this asymmetrical war, the traditional qualities of the American army – technology, logistics, fire power, air supremacy – do not allow it to carry the decision. Because it misses the assets of any credible occupying force: motivation of the executives and the soldiers, knowledge of the language and the culture of the country, efficacious networks of local collaboration, capacity to infiltrate the enemy cells (…) facing them, the American forces find extremely motivated guerilleros, ready to die for a cause which appears to them sacred. Insofar as many of them are former soldiers, counterirritated to be thrown to the street by the decision of dissolution of the army taken by the American governor Paul Bremer in May 2003, their ambushes are relatively sophisticated”. These “Resistance fighters” “move in the Iraqi society like fish in water”.

The second phase of this offensive, military, is the destruction of the collaborationnist  forces of security – army, police forces, administration. And it is carried out on all the territory, from Bassorah to Kirkuk and from Mossul to Baghdad and at the Syrian border. The famous “Sunni triangle” of the Pentagone propaganda resembles today actually a gigantic trapezoid which extends to each border of the country. And the guerrilla carries out there, according even to the Yankee military command, coordinated attacks on a large scale.

General Muhammad Shahwani, the traitor who leads the Iraqi Kollabos “intelligence services”, estimates himself, according to LE FIGARO (19 January 2005) “the number of insurgents to 200.000 Among them, 40.000 men would form the hard core of the armed fighting guerrilla, the remainder constituting the active sympathizers, taking part in the logistic tasks and the collection of information on the American “enemies” and their Iraqi “collaborators””.

Two years after the fall by treason of Baghdad, reality is not only the ba'athist Guerilla leadership – which also controls (from a distance) or infiltrates islamist formations –,  according to the plans organized by Saddam Hussein since 2003 (2).

But it is also the rise to political power on the ground – in particular in the majority zones of the country that control neither the Yankee nor the “Iraqi” or Kurdish Kollabos – of a reorganized Ba'ath, with a new generation of young leaders set up, it also, since 2003, and qualified of “birth of a new Ba' ath” by the Anglo-Saxon press (3).

Faced with the getting stuck and with the Vietnam syndrome – the failure of the iraqisation   directly echoes that of Vietnamisation which saw the liberation of Saigon on April 30, 1975, the Americans have even approached – in vain – Saddam Hussein to try to find a way out (4).

This reality fully justifies the position adopted by our “Iraq Committees” as from April 2003 : support for Ba’ ath and for it only!

Today, the Iraqi Resistance is the Ba' ath and the patriotic forces which follow its leadership in the “unified Council of the Iraqi resistance”. The mirages of islamo-leftism – in particular the support for Sadr, the Shiite blowing with the wind, or for ghostly “working forces carrying out a peaceful resistance” (sic) – are all just for show.

Which has to be our role and our action today? 
Those must be directed according to two principal axes.

On the one hand to continue the information battle  which we have carried out for two years with and for the ba'athist Resistance. AL-BA’ATH AL-IRAQI is the only regular publication today, widely distributed, at the service of the latter.

In addition, we must give our support for the Pan-Arab extension of the support for the Resistance, such as it was wished by our comrade Izaat Ibrahim Al-Duri, supreme leader of the Resistance last February (5). By in particular bringing it an international platform and a tool for coordination. The repression of the puppet Arab states makes indeed difficult this task on the spot.

Because the combat of Ba' ath is not limited solely to Iraq. And this also you did not read it in the press of Pentagone and Mossad! Some significant examples speak for themselves.

In Yemen, which was the first external lung of the Resistance in the spring 2003, our ba'athist comrades face an underhand repression, due to the local political police forces and the Americans. 

In Mauritania, where Ba' ath was always influential, it is the lawsuit of the fallen through putsch of June 2003, masterminded by ba'athist officers. Our comrades undergo a brutal repression there, where the systematic use of torture and the arbitrary arrests dominate. What does not prevent the Arab revolutionary organizations and underground Ba'ath to mobilize the country against the arrival of the Israeli minister Shalom in Nouakchott this 2 May.

In Algiers, in the Maghreb where the ba'athist theses always met a strong echo among the intellectual circles, was held in April a Pan-Arab conference of support for Ba' ath.

Let us add – because our approach is unitary and nonsectarian – that vis-a-vis the Americano-Zionist offensive against Damascus and Beirut of which the goal is the destruction of the pro-Syrian Ba'ath or its internal neutralization (abandonment of socialism and the Pan-Arab project), we estimate that the time of the competition between the Iraqi and Syrian branches of Ba' ath is exceeded. And that we will support also the revolutionary forces of the Syrian Ba' ath in the fight against Tel-Aviv and Washington (6).

Born in French-speaking Space, in Brussels and Paris, the “Iraq Committees” are today the transnational spearhead of the support for the Iraqi Resistance. 

And the birth this year of “committees” in Quebec or in Argentina reveals our dynamism.

Our Zionist enemies were not mistaken there. And the heinous campaign against the “Iraq committees” launched by the Israelo-American agency MEMRI, supported by Tsahal and the Yankee neo-conservatives at the end of November 2004 (7) and taken again by several hundreds of Zionist media everywhere in the world is revealing of our influence (8).

The ba'athist Resistance, which is in first line facing the Americano-Zionist imperialism, gives a lesson of courage, of determination, but also of hope to all those, militant and people, which, on the four continents, refuse the colonialist law of Washington and Tel-Aviv.  Imperialism is not discussed, it is fought and it is crushed! It was already the opinion of Che Guevara. It is ours. The Peoples’ Cause imposes the destruction of the enemy of mankind.

The MEIN KAMPF of the Neo-conservatives was written by Bill Kristol. It is entitled “Our  way starts in Baghdad”. This way will be that of the defeat and shame. History will remember then the answer of the ba'athist militants to these arrogant Western intellectuals who announced the death of the ideologies…

Today more than ever, the fight continues at the sides of the Iraqi Resistance and Ba' ath, which are in first line in the transnational fight for the peoples’ Cause.

Yes the Americano-Zionist Axis will be defeated in Iraq as it was in Vietnam!




Notes and references:

(1) Cfr. the “Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program”:

Jeffrey White, “Assessing the Iraqi Insurgency (Part I): Problems and Approaches”, Policy Watch #978, The Washington Institute website, March 24, 2005;

Michael Eisenstadt, “Assessing the Iraqi Insurgency (Part II): Devising Appropriate Analytical Measures”, PolicyWatch #979, The Washington Institute website, March 25, 2005;

Jeffrey White, “The Elections and the Insurgency”, PolicyWatch #952, The Washington Institute website, January 31, 2005;

Jeffrey White, Todd Orenstein, and Max Sicherman, “Resistance Strategy in the Trans-Election Period (Part I): Concepts, Operations, and Capabilities”, PolicyWatch #945, The Washington Institute website, January 24, 2005;

(2) Cfr. « Saddam a bien préparé l'après-Saddam », COURRIER INTERNATIONAL   Paris, n° 669, August 28, 2003: 

“From July 2002, Saddam Hussein constituted reserves of weapons and money and approached the Arab nationalists and islamists, affirms a journalist close to the former dictator (…) In July 2002, eight month before learning by the German Intelligence service that the war would take place, he addressed to the principal persons in charge for the Baas party a circular warning them to prepare to undergo an American attack" at any moment ". This document predicted that Iraq "would be defeated militarily because of the imbalance of the involved forces". One would restore balance "by attracting the American army in the cities, the villages and the desert, and by resorting to tactics of resistance". 

Saddam Hussein had already worked for four years to adapt his army to the practice of the guerrilla. He entrusted to me on several occasions into private that the military hierarchy was exceeded and needed new blood. He did recruit the heads of the guerrilla new units  - men for the majority of less than 35 years old, some of 18. Saddam Hussein constituted, before the American invasion [ in March 2003 ],  reserves of troops, weapons and money in all the country. The light weapons – grenade thrower, explosives, hand grenades and Ak-47 – abounded. They were manufactured in secret places distributed in all the country. But there was even more money than weapons. Saddam Hussein invested abroad part of the immense richness accumulated by diverting the incomes of oil. He started to get rid of these credits in 2002 to get a stock of liquid assets, which he distributed in the country. After the American invasion, the former president cut any contact with the majority of the high persons in charge for the Baas party. Even his personal bodyguards disappeared. Saddam Hussein set up the resistance on the basis of the principle which it was to join together the nationalist, baassist and islamist elements. The heads were to be independent but connected to a supreme commander – himself. He defined the large features of the movement by taking as a starting point the Islamic history, in particular the triumph of the prophet Muhammad after his exile to Medina. After the fall of Baghdad, in April, several executives of the Baas party took refuge in other Arab countries. They were to be used as bond between the interior resistance and the Arab masses of Egypt, of Jordan, of Syria, of Lebanon, of Yemen, Morocco and Mauritania, where the Baas party has cells since 1968 (…)

Today, Saddam Hussein’s army without face counts three groups. The first, they are the Mudjahidin – Iraqis not members of the Baas party and Islamic volunteers who fought in Afghanistan and Chechnia. The only members of the Baas party are nonIraqi Arabs. It is impossible to determine their manpower precisely. General Taher Jalil Habbush, the head of the Iraqi Intelligence service, whom I met in January, declared me at the time there were approximately 6 000 Arab and Islamic combatants in Baghdad, for the majority trained for the guerrilla. The second, Al Ansar (the partisans), gathers elements of the Baas party chosen personally by Saddam Hussein – who kept their engagement secret vis-à-vis the old guard of the party. They are present in all the country. Their means of communication are primitive but sure. The written messages, the radio or the telephones by satellite are prohibited. Each cell has messengers who have the role of relaying the oral messages to the other cells. The third, Al Muhajirun (the emigrants), gathers certain members of the elite and some persons in charge for Baas, of which military physicists and strategists. They represent the core of the new regime that Saddam hopes to lead after having defeated the Anglo-American coalition. All the units which set up these groups of resistance fighters are autonomous as well militarily as financially”.

(3) Cfr. Patrick Cockburn, “Bomb attacks on the rise as 'New Baath party' is born”, THE INDEPENDANT, 3 May 2005 : “The insurgents are less interested in participation in the present government than in direct talks with the US, a timetable for the withdrawal of American forces and the right to rebuild the Baath party. In Sunni Arab towns and cities a so-called New Baath party is beginning to emerge and is said to be very well organised”.

(4) The Egyptian magazine AL-USBU` on 2 May 2005, published what it said was the text of a conversation between Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld on his latest trip to Baghdad during which he visited the imprisoned Iraqi leader. AL-USBU reports that informed political sources had disclosed the details of the meeting. AL-USBU reports that the meeting took place after an escalation of Iraqi Resistance attacks against US occupation forces and their allies and stooges in Iraq. The sources indicated that the US had lost more than 1,600 men killed and wounded in the last three months, only a fraction of which they officially admitted. The available information indicates that US President George W. Bush held a meeting with his staff in which they discussed ways to stop the Resistance violence in Iraq. In order to save us lives and stop the continued deterioration of relations between the US and its allies and other countries that sent forces to occupied Iraq. The US leadership arrived at a decision to offer to release the Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and take him to his preferred place of exile outside Iraq in return for his appearing on television to demand that the Iraqi Resistance halt its armed operations and form a political party to take part in the political process set up by the US occupation forces in Iraq”. In answer, Saddam Hussein refuses to sell out Iraq.



English version on Al-jazeerah, October 31' 2003, on :

(7) See: Dr. Nimrod Raphaeli, « Activités anti-américaines du parti Baath à Paris », MEMRI, Enquêtes et analyses - No. 197, Novembre 30, 2004, on.



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